By I. M. Destler
During this entire revision of the main influential, greatly learn research of the USA alternate policymaking process, Destler addresses how globalization has reshaped exchange politics, weakening conventional protectionism yet intensifying quandary approximately trade’s societal affects. fullyyt new chapters deal with the deepening of partisan divisions and the increase of “trade and . . .” matters (especially hard work and the environment). the writer concludes with a finished monetary and political technique to do something about globalization and maximize its advantages. the unique variation of yank exchange Politics gained the Gladys Kammerer Award of the yankee Political technology organization for the easiest booklet on US nationwide coverage.
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Additional resources for American Trade Politics (4th Edition)
The STR-led executive branch certainly advocated US interests in international negotiations—it had to do so to retain credibility at home. But the role of such negotiations in US trade politics was to keep the game open, to limit protection, and to respond to the trade problems of specific industries with market-expanding solutions. Domestically, American trade policymakers were noninterventionist. Unlike their counterparts in Japan’s Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI), for example, they did not aspire to nurture those industries at home that promised future competitiveness abroad.
Workers or firms hurt by imports could apply for government financial, technical, and retraining assistance—including relocation allowances—that would help the firms to become more competitive and the workers to move to other lines of endeavor. The political aim was to weaken support for trade restrictions by offering a constructive alternative to those hurt by imports. The Randall Commission had rejected the idea, by a 16 to 1 vote. But it was picked up by several senators in the 1950s, including one John F.
Finance Chairman Russell Long played his part by attaching to the bill a controversial Social Security–welfare reform package, so that it was subject to twin filibusters: by liberal traders and by welfare reform critics. The bill died when the 91st Congress adjourned. Then, in early 1971, in order to avoid having to travel the same road again, Mills encouraged the Japanese textile industry to develop its own unilateral plan to restrain exports. It did so, and though the limits were far less stringent than those the administration had been seeking, Mills endorsed the plan immediately upon its announcement.
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